Former FDLR Officers Reveal How Congo’s Gold Paid Their Wages

At a time when the international community is being misled by the Democratic Republic of Congo’s narrative accusing Rwanda of plundering its minerals, former armed-group commanders have lifted the lid on a very different reality. According to their testimonies, it is the DRC’s own state structures—working hand-in-glove with armed groups—that have long fuelled illegal mineral exploitation and financed destabilisation in the region.

Several high-ranking former FDLR officers who recently laid down their arms have spoken candidly about the Congolese Government’s long-standing pattern of deflection. They assert that precious minerals—gold, coltan and crystals—were the backbone of the FDLR’s payroll, its weapons supply chain and its operations inside Congo’s forests.

They also reveal that the DRC continues to shelter, support and collaborate with those intent on undermining Rwanda’s security.

Lt Col Emelien Mpakaniye, 51, who fled Rwanda as a Sergeant in 1994, exposed an entrenched and well-organised system involving the Congolese Government and the FDLR terrorist group. He explained how the group received state protection and was effectively entrusted with exploiting land and mineral resources to strengthen its operations.

Mpakaniye was part of a special unit tasked with sourcing minerals in areas surrounding Goma and Bukavu. He recounts that proceeds from gold, coltan and crystals were systematically used to procure weapons and pay senior commanders.

“I was responsible for identifying mineral sites and securing markets for them. We operated across various parts of Congo, often guided by Congolese collaborators who showed us active mines,” he said.
“Once we discovered a site, attacks would be organised to force out the miners, and the FDLR would take control. The money generated bought us new guns and ammunition.”

He stressed that this arrangement appeared almost officially sanctioned.

“We didn’t hide what we were doing. Congolese soldiers knew us well and granted us access to mining zones.”

Mpakaniye added:

“The relationship between DR Congo and the FDLR was clear. Congo gave us shelter, weapons, travel permits—sometimes even joint operations with their soldiers to seize mines or block rival militias. We were misled. Many died in the forests believing they would eventually return to a Rwanda without Tutsi.”

Private Mbare Amos, 31, who spent 15 years in the FDLR, corroborates these claims. He describes a network in which the group was armed, sheltered and even leased land deep inside Congo.

“Large areas were given to the FDLR as strongholds. We rented out land to Congolese civilians and taxed them. Those taxes paid for weapons and funded the education of commanders’ children abroad.”

He confirms that some FDLR leaders amassed significant wealth in Congolese cities.

“Many built luxurious houses in Goma and Bukavu. We told ourselves we were fighting for change, but in truth we were enriching those at the top. Some died for nothing, while others enjoyed the profits. Had they returned to Rwanda earlier, they would be thriving legally today.”

The former combatants agree on one key point: the alliance between the FDLR and the DRC was an open secret—known by all, challenged by none.

Speaking recently to the media, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame also highlighted this long-standing partnership, noting that even the international community is reluctant to confront the truth. Minerals extracted under FDLR control, he remarked, continue to find their way into global markets, including Europe—fuelling a silence that is as strategic as it is convenient.

 

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